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The State of the Faith-Based
Initiative One year after Bush
outlined his plan to let religious social-service groups
compete for government funds, little has actually made it
through Congress. By Ted Olsen | posted 01/30/2002
Last night's State of the Union
address also marked the one-year anniversary of President
Bush's announcement of his faith-based initiative.
But last night, the subject warranted only a brief mention in
a long list, after "productive farm policy, a cleaner
environment, [and] broader home ownership." Though the House
has passed a faith-based initiatives bill, the Senate is
stalling. Are the Senate and White House letting the
faith-based initiative die a quiet death?
Not necessarily. "I have not given up on my faith-based
initiative," Bush told a meeting of mayors and country
officials last Thursday at the White House. "I believe so
strongly in the power of faith, I believe strongly that we
must unleash the armies of compassion in every city in America
to provide hope for people where hope doesn't exist.…I think
we can get a bill out of Congress."
But that bill is unlikely to look much like
H.R. 7, the bill the House passed
in July. The Wall Street Journal
reported Friday that Bush will make a speech this week outlining his latest plans for the
faith-based initiative. "This time around, he won't push for
allowing religious groups that accept federal aid to
discriminate against job applicants whose views or lifestyles
they oppose, such as homosexuals," wrote Journal reporter Jim VandeHei (the
article is available only to Journal subscribers). Bush will also
announce a successor to John DiIulio, who resigned in August as director of the White
House Office of Faith-Based and Community Initiatives. "Bush
advisers will only say that the new 'faith czar' won't grate
on Republicans and administration officials as Mr. DiIulio
sometimes did," VandeHei wrote.
Details of what Bush will push for are
already emerging. White House aides told the Associated Press
that Bush wants to expand Americorps, the domestic service
program started by President Clinton, and open it up to faith-based organizations and
churches. Some expected that such an announcement would
have made last night's speech, but Bush kept his outline of
the USA Freedom Corps—which includes Americorps, Senior Corps,
Peace Corps, and other citizen service programs—to a minimum.
In a speech today, Bush will give more details on his plans for this
program.
This seems to be the new thrust for the
faith-based initiative. The Hudson Institute's Marshall
Wittman told The Philadelphia
Inquirer Sunday that the Bush administration plans "to
cut off the more controversial sides of the faith-based
efforts and try to give more momentum by linking it to secularized community efforts like
Americorps." Already, reports the Inquirer, "about 10 percent of Americorps
volunteers and 15 percent of Seniorcorps volunteers work with
religious groups."
This doesn't just mean that protections
against hiring mandates are likely off the table. The whole
idea of "charitable choice"—letting faith-based organizations
compete for government grants without sacrificing their
religious nature—may be gone, too.
Therefore, it looks like Senate legislation
on faith-based service is going to stick to the bare minimums
that everyone can agree on. Earlier this month, a group of 33 ideologically diverse national
leaders issued recommendations about what those points of
common ground are. The invitees weren't all known for
consensus-building, and are rarely on the same side of any
church-state issue; representatives came from Americans United
for the Separation of Church and State, the Southern Baptist
Convention, People for the American Way, Teen Challenge, the
Freedom Forum, Big Brothers Big Sisters, black church groups,
and other organizations.
Among the group's recommendations were
allowing deductions for charitable givers who don't itemize
their tax returns and making it easier for small faith-based
organizations to apply for grants. Private foundations and
corporations were encouraged to drop restrictions on giving to
faith-based programs. But nothing was said on expanding charitable
choice or allowing hiring protections—the issues were too
controversial.
"Their report indicates that the pieces of
Mr. Bush's proposal most likely to survive are those that
stimulate private giving to charities—not direct government
financing," said The New York Times. "This may be as far as
it can go," agreed Philadelphia
Inquirer columnist Jane Eisner.
Liberal groups that participated in the
meeting but that don't want the faith-based initiative to go
any farther are certainly spinning it that way. "The point
we're trying to make is that you can do so much good without
ever getting to those issues [of charitable choice and
hiring]," People for the American Way Vice President Elliot
Mincberg told The Washington Times.
Moderates on the group later argued that even
if the legislation could go further, it is worth passing the
consensus guidelines separately, lest they be defeated by more
controversial issues. "The 'hot button' issues and what's
important are often two different things," wrote Beliefnet
cofounder Steven Waldman. "If all these recommendations were
adopted…it would do a great deal to help religiously oriented
charities to help the poor."
Charles Haynes, senior scholar at the Freedom
Forum's First Amendment Center, made a similar case. "Here's
the message to Congress and the White House: Let's act now on what we can agree on—and
avoid the bitter fights and lawsuits," he wrote. "There's no
question that implementing these 29 recommendations would
dramatically advance the efforts of faith-based and community
organizations to help those most in need."
Ron Sider, president of Evangelicals for
Social Action (and another member of the group), also praised
the recommendations. But he warned against making them the final word.
The argument that the recommendations are all that is
politically possible "involves a fundamental misconception,"
he wrote. "Any single person could block any proposal.
Therefore our recommendations represent the minimum, not the
maximum, that is politically possible. In the Congress,
proposals require a majority (60% in the Senate), but
certainly not a 100% vote. It is simply nonsense to suggest
that the minimal, unanimous recommendations of this
exceedingly diverse group represent all that Senators Santorum
and Lieberman can persuade a majority of the Senate to
pass."
Faith Works The
faith-based initiative faces another battle as well: lawsuits.
A U.S. district court ruled earlier this month that a
state-funded drug treatment program was unconstitutional
because it was too religious. Judge Barbara Crabb made clear
that her ruling should not be taken as a judgment on
charitable choice as a whole, but both sides of the debate
made the connection. "Far from overturning charitable choice,
which she does not even challenge, Judge Crabb's decision is a warning that
states must carefully adhere to the specific guidelines laid
down by Charitable Choice," wrote Stephen Lazarus, senior
policy associate for the Center for Public Justice. "However,
while this decision does not negatively impact charitable
choice, it still jeopardizes the religious liberties of Faith
Works [the Wisconsin program] and its clients. Judge Crabb's
opinion would require Faith Works staff and clients to divest
their program of its distinctive religious character to be
eligible for direct funding. Here her reasoning takes a wrong
turn. charitable choice, the controlling federal law, does not
require this. Nor does the First Amendment."
The Wall Street
Journal made a similar point in an editorial on Friday.
"On the one hand, if Faith Works takes religion seriously, it
loses its government benefits. On the other hand, if it
abandons religion, it loses its effectiveness. This looks like
the kind of government discrimination against religious
welfare groups that Congress banned in the 1996 welfare
reform. That law's charitable choice provision said
faith-based charities could compete with secular organizations
for government money." But the decision isn't all bad, says
the Journal. "It may do some
political good if it serves as a wake-up call to a Congress
that has been dithering over the Bush initiative.…We suspect
Judge Crabb['s decision will be] reversed, but it would help
if Congress expressed its strong desire to let Faith Works
work."
What's at stake in all this debate isn't just
how much help in helping the poor churches and religious
organizations can get from the government. As James W.
Skillen, president of the Center for Public Justice, wrote
earlier this week,
The weakness in our union at
present is due to confusion and unnecessary disagreement
over the very meaning of religious freedom. The
president's original plan had nothing to do with promoting
discrimination or encouraging the imposition of religion on
those who don't want it. To secure a just republic, there
must be equal treatment of all faiths and philosophies in
public as well as in private life. Our union will grow more
divided, its poor may become poorer, and its communities may
be further weakened if the president and Congress do not
enact legislation that insists on the equal treatment of all
social-service organizations. It is time to end
discrimination against self-acknowledged religious
organizations because they refuse to secularize
themselves.
Ted Olsen is online managing editor of
Christianity Today. Copyright © 2002 by the author or Christianity
Today International/Christianity Today magazine. Click
here for reprint information on Christianity
Today.
Related Elsewhere:
Also appearing on our site today:
Implacable
Foes Find (Some) Common Ground on Faith-Based
Initiatives | Diverse working group's recommendations
represent the minimum, not the maximum, that is politically
possible.
Past Christianity
Today articles on the Faith Based Initiative
include:
Where
Does the Faith-Based Initiative Stand? | Observers look
to Bush support, discussion, and the hiring exemption as
keys to Charitable Choice legislation. (Sept. 7,
2001)
House
Approves Charitable Choice Bill | Hiring protections for
religious organizations stays in the bill, but back-room
negotiations may mean they won't stay. (July 27,
2001)
DiIulio
Pitches Charitable Choice to Cautious NAE Delegates |
Meanwhile, group suggests religious broadcasters reconsider
severing ties. (March 21, 2001)
No
More Excuses | Bush's faith-based initiative should
reinvigorate our mission of service. (March 15,
2001)
Charitable
Choice Dance Begins | Faith-based organizations cautious
but eager for government aid. (March 15, 2001)
Bush's
Faith-Based Plans | George W. Bush, Texas governor and
presidential candidate, has placed government cooperation
with faith-based initiatives at the core of his campaign.
(Oct. 25, 1999)
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