Identity and Foreign Policy in the Middle East

Shibley Telhami and Michael Barnett, editors

(Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 2002), 224 pages, US$45.00 (cloth), US$18.95 (paper)

This volume is an analysis of Middle Eastern identity politics, both on a regional basis and within individual states. The editors, Shibley Telhami of the University of Maryland and Michael Barnett of the University of Wisconsin-Madison counter traditional realist theories that stress rational, geopolitical factors as the basis for foreign policy decision-making. These traditional theories relied heavily on notions of balance of power and were predominant in the Cold War era. The authors of the essays propose instead that different identities, both within states and on a regional level, affect geopolitical considerations. These identities are created by many different forces and often compete with one another. This book presents the salient reasons why certain identities are prevalent and how they affect foreign policy. Jordan, Iraq, Egypt, and Syria are the four Arab countries analyzed along with Israel and Iran.

Marc Lynch of Williams College analyzes Jordanian identity and asserts that state interests and identity are shaped in the public sphere. Lynch considers the state's identity to be relatively stable over time and asserts that actors come to understand their interests through a competitive process of public interpretation. Thus, only when Jordan's public sphere became open and competitive could a genuine notion of Jordanian identity be formulated.

Jordan's Palestinian identity and Jordan's relationship with Israel are the two primary issues that Lynch considers in Jordan's identity formation. Both of these issues, Lynch argues, have developed over time through competing ideological visions that have shaped Jordan's political identity and foreign policy. Jordan's evolving identification with the Palestinian West Bank, its identity as part of the pan-Arab movement, and its relationship with Israel, have together forged a national identity. This identity has informed and created foreign policy.

Michael Barnett examines the identity crisis in Israel and the way in which it affects the country's foreign policy. Israel's identity crisis is rooted in both the cultural split between Ashkenazim (European Jews) and Sephardim (Middle Eastern Jews) and different conceptions of how the country should proceed with the Peace Process. Barnett highlights the rival conceptions for the country's future and the various narratives different groups have constructed to explain its past. Barnett claims that Israel's divisions are widening and that minority groups will continue to play a major role in the country's political scene.

In her article, Suzanne Maloney of the Brookings Institution explains Iran's domestic power struggles and foreign policy agenda by exploring the different layers of Iranian identity advanced since the revolution. Iran's long cultural tradition and role in geopolitics is juxtaposed with its function as the center of a pan-Islamic movement and a religious state. The vision of Iran's clerical leaders has created a political reality that comes into conflict with other Iranian identities. Over time, both identities continue to shape each other.

Adeed Dawisha (University of Miami, Ohio) argues that Iraq's political elite has created a pan-Arab notion of Iraqi identity in order to legitimize and propagate their political agenda. Significant events in the history of Arab culture occurred in Iraq, and the political leadership has used these to create an image of Iraq as the center of the Arab world. However, a specifically Iraqi identity competes with the larger pan-Arab movement. Nonetheless, the state has far-reaching influence in terms of manipulating Iraq's national identity formation.

As opposed to Iraq, Syria's pan-Arab identity has waned in favor of a strengthened notion of the Syrian state. Yahya Sadowski (American University of Beirut) explores this shift and explains it by analyzing economic developments and regional politics. Modernization and economic development have homogenized the country and engendered the development of a specifically Syrian identity. Simultaneously, Syria's regional political relationships have defined its interests as specifically Syrian. Thus, while transnational interests remain important, national interests have become the driving force behind Syria's foreign policy.

Ibrahim Karawan (University of Utah) analyzes Egyptian identity and concludes that the state has significant influence in advancing its preferred vision of Egyptian identity. Of all the states analyzed, Egypt has the most developed sense of national identity and has a high degree of ethnic homogeneity. Karawan maintains that the political elite uses identity to legitimate foreign policy, which is often based on realpolitik considerations. In times of crisis, the public is able to influence the state significantly because at these times, the state is unable to maintain a monopoly on presenting the national identity.

The cases in this book illustrate the link between identity and foreign policy and also help to explain why particular identities emerge in different states. As such, this study helps to understand local and regional politics in the Middle East. In addition, it contributes to the theoretical literature on identity and politics and has applicability in explaining other global geopolitical developments. (Avi Rubel)

Copyright 2004 Search for Common Ground